T reprieve following the end of fighting in Gaza is profound. In Israel, the liberation of the living hostages has led to extensive joy. Across Palestinian territories, jubilations are taking place as as many as 2,000 Palestinian inmates begin their release ā although distress lingers due to ambiguity about the identities of those released and their eventual placements. In northern Gaza, people can finally reenter search the debris for the remnants of an believed 10,000 unaccounted-for individuals.
Only three weeks ago, the chance of a ceasefire looked improbable. Yet it has come into force, and on Monday Donald Trump departed Jerusalem, where he was hailed in the Knesset, to Sharm el-Sheikh in Egypt. There, he participated in a high-level peace conference of more than 20 world leaders, featuring Sir Keir Starmer. The plan for peace initiated there is set to advance at a conference in the UK. The US president, acting with international partners, successfully brokered this deal happen ā despite, not due to, Israelās prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Aspirations that the deal marks the initial move toward Palestinian statehood are understandable ā but, in light of historical precedent, slightly idealistic. It provides no definite route to self-rule for Palestinians and risks splitting, for the immediate period, Gaza from the West Bank. Then there is the complete destruction this war has caused. The lack of any timeline for Palestinian autonomy in the US initiative undermines boastful references, in his Knesset speech, to the āhistoric dawnā of a āera of prosperityā.
The American leader was unable to refrain from sowing division and individualizing the deal in his speech.
In a time of ease ā with the liberation of detainees, truce and restart of aid ā he decided to reinterpret it as a morality play in which he solely reinstated Israelās honor after purported treachery by past US commanders-in-chief Obama and Biden. Notwithstanding the Biden administration a year ago having attempted a similar deal: a cessation of hostilities connected with aid delivery and eventual diplomatic discussions.
A initiative that denies one side meaningful agency cannot produce sustainable agreement. The ceasefire and humanitarian convoys are to be applauded. But this is still not political progress. Without systems guaranteeing Palestinian engagement and control over their own establishments, any deal endangers cementing oppression under the language of peace.
Gazaās people desperately need humanitarian aid ā and sustenance and pharmaceuticals must be the initial concern. But reconstruction must not be delayed. Among 60 million tonnes of debris, Palestinians need help repairing residences, learning institutions, healthcare facilities, mosques and other organizations destroyed by Israelās incursion. For Gazaās interim government to succeed, financial support must arrive promptly and safety deficiencies be filled.
Comparable with a large portion of Mr Trumpās peace plan, allusions to an multinational security contingent and a proposed āboard of peaceā are worryingly ambiguous.
Robust international support for the Palestinian leadership, allowing it to take over from Hamas, is probably the most promising scenario. The enormous suffering of the recent period means the humanitarian imperative for a solution to the conflict is potentially more critical than ever. But even as the halt in fighting, the repatriation of the hostages and pledge by Hamas to ādisarmā Gaza should be acknowledged as positive steps, Mr Trumpās track record offers minimal cause to trust he will fulfill ā or consider himself obligated to attempt. Immediate respite should not be interpreted as that the likelihood of a Palestinian state has been moved nearer.
A passionate horticulturist with over 10 years of experience in organic gardening and landscape design.